Where are all the revolutionaries of 1968? They’re long gone.Roundup
At the weekend, I sat in a Parisian cafe, sipping a coffee and reading the reminiscences in Libération about the events of May 1968. Fifty years ago to the day, more than 300,000 people had marched through these streets demanding the resignation of President Charles de Gaulle, one of the high points of the rebellion. One of the banners held high in the crowd announced: “Those in power are in retreat! Now they must fall!”
Today, the thing that needs saying about 1968 is that it was indeed a liberation, but that it was also a failure. In 1968 it felt as if the European world had come alive again after a long hibernation. Society, ideas and culture changed for the liberal better afterwards. Above all, women’s equality flourished. But political and economic power did not change. Those in power may have been in retreat in 1968, certainly so in De Gaulle’s case. But they did not fall. Mostly they were soon re-elected.
May 1968 was followed, in the main, by the electoral victories of the right, not the left. Georges Pompidou, Richard Nixon and Ted Heath were all in power by 1970. Franco survived in Spain. The Andreotti era began in Italy. Leonid Brezhnev’s tanks crushed the Prague spring. Only in West Germany, where 1968 expressed a very particular reckoning with the post-1945 era, did the social democrat Willy Brandt come to power as an agent of change.
The political failure of 1968 was not just reflected in subsequent elections. The failure was also historic on a larger scale. Half a century on, it is perhaps hard to understand how intensely 1968 felt at the time like a political rebirth – and how intensely that rebirth was sought on the postwar left. Across Europe, but particularly in France, the events were an often conscious reaffirmation of a form of revolutionary left politics with deep 19th- and early 20th-century roots and echoes. This politics aspired to spark the frustratingly contented working class into a new era of militancy. It took place in the streets and in the factories. It attacked the police and other institutions of power. It sometimes used and consistently romanticised violence. It drew directly on the legacies of 1789 and 1917.
Part of this was further energised by what were then called third world movements, especially in Cuba and Vietnam. In the end, though, this revolutionism overthrew almost nothing. The Paris events were not the French or the Russian revolution reborn. May 1968 was less the beginning of a new form of politics, and more the end of an old form. It had more in common with the defeated Springtime of the Peoples in 1848 than with the dubious achievements of the Jacobins or the Bolsheviks. ...
comments powered by Disqus
- Why more places are abandoning Columbus Day in favor of Indigenous Peoples’ Day
- Rudy Giuliani comparing impeachment to the Salem witch trials is a little right and a lot wrong, expert says
- U.N. Report Bolsters Theory That Hammarskjold Plane Was Downed
- Panama celebrates its black Christ, part of protest against colonialism and slavery
- Fundamentalism turns 100, a landmark for the Christian Right
- Labor Historian Staughton Lynd's Book Is Embraced by Google Workers and Uber Drivers
- Rick Perry recommended former ambassador, historian Daniel Yergin for Ukraine reforms-U.S. Energy Dept
- Ginsburg predicts historians will call this political era an 'aberration'
- American Historical Association Announces 2019 Prize Winners
- A New History Celebrates Brooklyn’s Heights, and Depths Image